"They Were Eager to Return Home. Then the U.S. Bombed Iran" refreshingly illuminates the plight of Chagossians who have been living in exile since the 1960s thanks to the creation of a US military base on the Indian Ocean island of Diego Garcia. 

The article unfortunately gives voice to a bogus theory circulated by right-wing politicians and media in the US and UK who claim that recognizing the sovereignty of Mauritius over Diego Garcia and the other Chagos islands will allow China to build a military base in Chagos. This is an absurd smear promoted by Nigel Farage, Boris Johnson, and Senator John Kennedy (R-LA) to maintain colonial rule over the islands. 

There is zero evidence Mauritius has any interest in allowing China or any country other than the US and UK to operate a base in Chagos. Mauritius has agreed to rules that would prevent other militaries from operating in the islands without US and UK agreement. Mauritius's closest ally, other than the UK and US, isn’t China—it’s India, which has fought two major wars with China. 

President Trump only opposed Mauritian control over Chagos after the UK refused to join the illegal US-Israeli war on Iran. Previously, Trump, the Pentagon and State Department, and the Biden administration publicly supported the deal. 

The New York Times should have provided the necessary context to debunk the Farage-led fearmongering campaign. As the article shows, the biggest losers are the Chagossians, whom Anglo-American officials have barred from living in their homeland for decades.


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Read the article at https://tomdispatch.com/resistance-works/

GOOD NEWS (REALLY!)

Resistance Works:
How Small Groups Took on Great Powers and Won a Victory for Decolonization, Africa, Indigenous Peoples, and More

By David Vine

At a time when many may feel that good news has gone the way of the dodo, look no further than the homeland of that long-extinct bird — Mauritius — for a dose of encouragement. There, among the islands of the Indian Ocean, news can be found about the power of resistance and the ability of small groups of people to band together to overcome the powerful.

Amid ongoing slaughter from Gaza and Ukraine to Sudan and the Congo, the news also offers a victory for resolving conflicts through diplomacy rather than force. It’s a victory for decolonization and international law. And it’s a victory for Africa, the African diaspora, and indigenous and other displaced peoples who simply want to go home. To the shock of many, President Donald Trump actually played a role in making such good news possible by bucking far-right allies in the United States and Britain.

The news came in late May when the British government signed a historic treaty with Mauritius giving up Britain’s last African colony, the Chagos Islands, and allow the exiled Chagossian people to return home to all but one of them. The British also promised to pay an estimated £3.4 billion over 99 years in exchange for continuing control over one island, the largest, Diego Garcia. Though few in the U.S. even know that it exists, the Chagos Archipelago, located in the center of the Indian Ocean, is also home to a major U.S. military base on Diego Garcia that has played a key role in virtually every U.S. war and military operation in the Middle East since the 1970s.

Diego Garcia is one of the most powerful installations in a network of more than 750 U.S. military bases around the world that have helped control foreign lands in a largely unnoticed fashion since World War II. Far more secretive than the Guantánamo Bay naval base, Diego Garcia has been, with rare exceptions, off limits to anyone but U.S. and British military personnel since that base was created in 1971. Until recently, that ban also applied to the other Chagos Islands from which the indigenous Chagossian people were exiled during the base’s creation in what Human Rights Watch has called a “crime against humanity.”  

While the victories the Chagossians, a group numbering less than 8,000, finally achieved last month are anything but perfect, they wouldn’t have happened without a more than half-century-long struggle for justice. A real-life David and Goliath story, it demonstrates the ability of small but dedicated groups to overcome the most powerful governments on Earth.


A History of Resistance

The story begins around the time of the American Revolution when the ancestors of today’s Chagossians first began settling on Diego Garcia and the other uninhabited Chagos islands. Enslaved at the time, they were brought from Africa, along with indentured laborers from India, by French businessmen from Mauritius who used the workers to build coconut plantations there.

Over time, the population grew, gaining its emancipation, while a new society emerged. First known as the Ilois (the Islanders), they developed their own traditions, history, and Chagossian Kreol language. Although their islands were dominated by plantations, the Chagossians enjoyed a generally secure life, thanks in part to their often militant demands for better working conditions. Over time, they came to enjoy universal employment, free basic health care and education, regular vacations, housing, burial benefits, and a workday they could control, while living on gorgeous tropical islands.  

“Life there paid little money, a very little,” one of the longtime leaders of the Chagossian struggle, Rita Bancoult, told me before her death in 2016, “but it was the sweet life.”


“The Footprint of Freedom”

Chagos remained a little-known part of the British Empire from the early nineteenth century when Great Britain seized the archipelago from France until the 1950s when Washington grew interested in the islands as possible military bases.

Amidst Cold War competition with the Soviet Union and accelerating decolonization globally, U.S. officials worried about being evicted from bases in former European colonies then gaining their independence. Securing rights to build new military installations on strategically located islands became one solution to that perceived problem. Which is what led Stuart Barber, a U.S. Navy planner, to find what he called “that beautiful atoll of Diego Garcia, right in the middle of the ocean.” He and other officials loved Diego Garcia because it was within striking distance of a vast region, from southern Africa and the Middle East to South and Southeast Asia, while also possessing a protected lagoon capable of handling the largest naval vessels and a major air base.

In 1960, U.S. officials began secret negotiations with their British counterparts. By 1965, they had convinced the British to violate international law by separating the Chagos Islands from the rest of its colony of Mauritius to create the “British Indian Ocean Territory.” No matter that U.N. decolonization rules then prohibited colonial powers from chopping up colonies when, like Mauritius, they were gaining their independence. Britain’s last created colony would have one purpose: hosting military bases. U.S. negotiators insisted Chagos come under their “exclusive control (without local inhabitants)” — an expulsion order embedded in a parenthetical phrase.

U.S. and British officials sealed their deal with a 1966 agreement in which Washington would secretly transfer $14 million to the British government in exchange for basing rights on Diego Garcia. The British agreed to do the dirty work of getting rid of the Chagossians.

First, they prevented any Chagossians who had left on vacation or for medical treatment from returning home. Next, they cut off food and medical supplies to the islands. Finally, they deported the remaining Chagossians 1,200 miles to Mauritius and the Seychelles in the western Indian Ocean.

Both governments acknowledged that the expulsions were illegal. Both agreed to “maintain the fiction” that the Chagossians were “migrant laborers,” not a people whose ancestors had lived and died there for generations. In a secret cable, a British official called them “Tarzans” and, in a no less racist reference to Robinson Crusoe, “Man Fridays.”  

In 1971, as the U.S. Navy started base construction on Diego Garcia, British officials and American sailors rounded up people’s pet dogs, lured them into sealed sheds, and gassed them with the exhaust from Navy vehicles before burning their carcasses. Chagossians watched in horror. Most were then deported in the holds of overcrowded cargo ships carrying dried coconut, horses, and guano (bird shit). Chagossians have compared the conditions to those found on slave ships.
 
In exile, they effectively received no resettlement assistance. When the Washington Post finally broke the story in 1975, a journalist found Chagossians living in “abject poverty” in the slums of Mauritius. By the 1980s, the base on Diego Garcia would be a multibillion-dollar installation. The U.S. military dubbed it the “Footprint of Freedom.” 


An Epic Struggle

The Chagossians have long demanded both the right to go home and compensation for the theft of their homeland. Led mostly by a group of fiercely committed women, they protested, petitioned, held hunger strikes, resisted riot police, went to jail, approached the U.N., filed lawsuits, and pursued nearly every strategy imaginable to convince the U.S. and British governments to let them return.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Chagossian protests in Mauritius won them small amounts of compensation from the British government (valued at around $6,000 per adult). Many used the money to pay off significant debts incurred since their arrival. Chagossians in the Seychelles, however, received nothing.

Still, their desire to return to the land of their ancestors remained, and hope was rekindled when the Chagos Refugees Group sued the British government in 1997, led by Rita Bancoult’s son, Olivier. To the surprise of many, they won. Over several tumultuous years, British judges ruled their expulsion illegal three times — only to have Britain’s highest court repeatedly rule in favor of the government by a single vote. Judges in the U.S. similarly rejected a suit, deferring to the president’s power to make foreign policy. The European Court of Human Rights also ruled against them.


A Strategic Alliance

Despite the painful defeats, Chagossian prospects brightened when the Chagos Refugees Group allied with the Mauritian government to take Britain to the International Court of Justice. Aided by Chagossian testimony about their expulsion, which an African Union representative called “the voice of Africa,” Mauritius won. In 2019, that court overwhelmingly ruled that Mauritius was the rightful sovereign in Chagos. It directed the U.K. to end its colonial rule “as rapidly as possible.” A subsequent U.N. General Assembly resolution ordered the British “to cooperate with Mauritius in facilitating the resettlement” of Chagossians.

Backed by the U.S., the British initially ignored the international consensus — until, in 2022, Prime Minister Liz Truss’s government suddenly began negotiations with the Mauritians. Two years later, a deal was reached with the support of the Biden administration. The deal recognized Mauritian sovereignty over Chagos but allowed Britain to retain control of Diego Garcia for at least 99 years, including the continued operation of the U.S. base. The Chagossians would be allowed to return to all their islands except, painfully, Diego Garcia and receive compensation.

The Chagos Refugees Group and other Chagossian organizations generally supported the deal, while continuing to demand the right to live on Diego Garcia. Some smaller Chagossian groups, especially in Britain (where many Chagossians have lived since winning full U.K. citizenship in 2002), opposed the agreement. Some still support British rule. Others seek Chagossian sovereignty.

Right-wing forces in Britain and the United States quickly tried to kill the deal. Former Prime Minister Boris Johnson, Brexit protagonist Nigel Farage, and then-Senator Marco Rubio campaigned for continued British colonial rule, often spouting bogus theories suggesting the agreement would benefit China.

Donald Trump’s election and the appointment of Rubio as secretary of state left many fearing they would kill the treaty. Instead, when Prime Minister Keir Starmer visited Washington, Trump indicated his support. A finalized treaty was in sight.


An Imperfect Victory?

In the last hours, the deal was briefly blocked by a lawsuit that a judge later dismissed. “I’ve been betrayed by the British government,” Bernadette Dugasse, one of two Chagossians who brought the suit, said of the treaty. “I will have to keep on fighting the British government till they accept for me to settle” on Diego Garcia (where she was born).  

Dugasse’s suit and plans for additional legal action are being funded by a shadowy “Great British PAC” that won’t disclose its donors. The group is led by right-wing political figures still trying, in their words, to “Save Chagos.” However, “saving Chagos” doesn’t mean saving Chagos for the Chagossians, but “saving” it from the end of British colonial control. In other words, right-wing figures are cynically using Chagossians to try to uphold the colonial status quo. (Even Dugasse fears she’s being used.) 

On the other hand, the Chagos Refugees Group and many other Chagossians are celebrating, at least partially. For the first time in more than half a century of struggle they can go home to most of their islands, even if they, too, criticize the ban on returning to Diego Garcia and the shamefully small amount of compensation being offered: just £40 million earmarked for a Chagossian “trust fund” operated by the Mauritian government (with British consultation). Divided among the entire population, this could be as little as £5,000 per person for the theft of their homeland and more than half a century in exile. (People in car accidents get far more.)

“I’m very happy after such a long fight,” Sabrina Jean, leader of the Chagos Refugees Group U.K. Branch, told me. “But I’m also upset about how the U.K. government continues to treat us for all the suffering it gave Chagossians,” she added. “£40 million is not enough.”

The Mauritian government should benefit more unambiguously than the Chagossians: The treaty formally ends decolonization from Britain, reuniting Mauritius and the Chagos Islands. Mauritius will receive an average of £101 million in rent per year for 99 years for Diego Garcia plus £1.125 billion in “development” funds paid over 25 years.

“The development fund will be used to resettle” Chagossians on the islands outside Diego Garcia, said Olivier Bancoult, now the president of the Chagos Refugees Group, about a commitment he’s received from the Mauritian government. “They have promised to rebuild Chagos.”

Bancoult and other Chagossians insist they also should receive some of the annual rent for Diego Garcia. “Parts of it needs to be used for Chagossians,” he told me by phone from Mauritius.

The continuing ban on Chagossians living on Diego Garcia clearly violates Chagossians’ human rights as well as the International Court’s ruling and that U.N. resolution of 2019. Human Rights Watch criticized the treaty for appearing to “entrench the policy that prevents Chagossians from returning to Diego Garcia” and failing to acknowledge U.S. and British responsibility for compensating the Chagossians and reconstructing infrastructure to enable their return.

“We will not give up concerning Diego,” Olivier Bancoult told me. For those born on Diego Garcia and those with ancestors buried there, it’s not enough to return to the other Chagos islands, at least 150 miles away. “We will continue to argue for our right to return to Diego Garcia,” he added.

While U.S. and British officials have long used “security” as an excuse to keep Chagossians off the island, they could, in truth, still live on the other half of Diego Garcia, miles from the base, just as civilians live near U.S. bases worldwide. Civilian laborers who are neither U.S. nor British citizens have lived and worked there for decades. (Chagossians will be eligible for such jobs, although historically they’ve faced discrimination getting hired.)

That the U.S. military has ended up a winner in the treaty could explain Donald Trump’s surprising support. The treaty secures base access for at least 99 years and possibly 40 more.

Which means the treaty is a setback for those Mauritians, Americans, and others who have campaigned to close a base that has cost U.S. taxpayers billions of dollars and has been a launchpad for catastrophic wars in the Middle East, which a certain president claimed to oppose.

While many Chagossians are privately critical of the base that caused their expulsion and occupies their land, most have prioritized going home over demanding its closure. The campaign to return has been hard enough.

Ultimately, I’m in no position to decide if the Chagos treaty is a victory or not. That’s for Chagossians and Mauritians to decide, not a citizen of the country that, along with Great Britain, is the primary author of that ongoing, shameful crime.

Let me note that victories are rarely, if ever, complete, especially when the power imbalance between parties is so vast. Chagossians, backed by allies in Mauritius and beyond, are continuing their struggle for the right to return to Diego Garcia, for the reconstruction of Chagossian society in Chagos, and for full, proper compensation. The Mauritian and British governments can correct the treaty’s flaws through a diplomatic “exchange of letters.”

“We are closer to the goal” of full victory, Olivier assured me. “We are very near.”

Having won the right to return to most of their islands after 50 years of struggle, Olivier has been thinking a lot about his mother, longtime leader Rita Bancoult. “I would like that my mom would be here, but I know if she would be here, she would be crying,” he said, “because she always believed in what I do, and she always encouraged me to go until the destination, the goal.”

For now, inspired by the memory of his mother and too many Chagossians who will never see a return to their homeland, Olivier told me, “lalit kontin.” The struggle continues.

Copyright 2025 David Vine
​

David Vine, a TomDispatch regular, is the author most recently of The United States of War: A Global History of America's Endless Conflicts, from Columbus to the Islamic State. He is also the author of of Island of Shame: The Secret History of the U.S. Military Base on Diego Garcia, and, Base Nation: How U.S. Military Bases Abroad Harm America and the World, part of the American Empire Project. 

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Pointe aux Sables, Mauritius
011 (230) 234-1024; obancoultcrg@intnet.mu
 
 
High Commissioner Volker Türk
United Nations Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights
 
 
June 20, 2025
 
Dear High Commissioner Türk and Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights:
 
UN experts recently criticized the historic UK–Mauritius treaty over our people’s homeland, the Chagos Islands, raising valid concerns but risking harm to Chagossians by supporting a campaign that is trying to kill the treaty in the interest of maintaining UK colonialism in Chagos in violation of international law. While we appreciate the expert’s critique of the treaty’s major flaws, their call to renegotiate the treaty supports a deceptive “Save Chagos” campaign seeking to preserve British colonial rule.
 
The treaty is imperfect but represents progress: after more than 50 years of exile, it finally allows us, Chagossians, to return to most of our homeland and provides some compensation and significant reconstruction funds.
 
We have waited over 55 years for this. Although we have not received everything we have asked, we have obtained the right to return and it is significant for us. As a community, we have decided, as a matter of policy, to adopt this attitude of accepting what we can get now and start our journey back, as opposed to stay put. There will be no perfect decision that pleases everyone, but at least we are moving forward as a community.
 
Calling for renegotiation of the treaty risks denying us this victory, leaving us with no resettlement rights. The experts rightly question the ban on our returning to Diego Garcia, the insulting £40 million “trust fund,” the lack of other reparations, and our exclusion from negotiations. Unfortunately, renegotiating the treaty would only support a campaign in the UK and US by politicians and others try to kill it by pretending they support the rights of Chagossians and spreading other false theories. The “Save Chagos” campaign means saving Chagos for British and US control not for us Chagossians.
 
Instead, the UK and Mauritius should partner with us to “correct the treaty’s flaws” through diplomatic channels, such as an “exchange of letters,” as suggested by former British diplomat David Snoxell. This is the best way to ensure the treaty upholds our full human rights including the right to return to Diego Garcia, fair compensation, reconstruction in Chagos, and other repair. We hope the UN experts will stand with us and the majority of Chagossians who are supporting the treaty and demanding these improvements.
 
- The Chagos Refugees Group and Chagos Refugees Group UK Branch

​Chagossians can finally go home to most of their homeland now that the UK and Mauritian governments finally signed a treaty for the Chagos Islands and the US military base on Diego Garcia.

With its serious flaws, the treaty is a victory (however incomplete) for the Chagossians (and Mauritius), which have shown the world you can defeat two of the planet's most powerful countries in the UK and US.

Here are key details:

1. The treaty is a victory for the majority of Chagossians who supported the deal because it allows them to return to all their islands except Diego Garcia, home to the US base. (A small minority of Chagossians want to maintain UK sovereignty.)

2. The £40 million UK "trust fund" for Chagossians promised in the treaty is better than nothing but shockingly small. Many Chagossians are angry. Divided among all Chagossians, each would get £4,000-£8,000 (or less) as compensation for the theft of their homeland and more than 50 years of exile. People get more compensation in car accidents.

3. Mauritius will receive around £3.4 billion over 99 years for allowing the UK to exercise sovereignty over Diego Garcia PLUS £1.125 billion in development funds over 25 years. 

4. Mauritius should promise to dedicate ALL of the £1.125 billion in development money to pay for the resettlement of Chagossians and reconstruction of infrastructure in Chagos.

5. Chagossians should receive a significant proportion of the rental payments for the base given their ongoing exile from Diego Garcia.

6. The UK's continuing ban on Chagossians living on their largest island, Diego Garcia, is an outrage and ongoing human rights violation backed by the US.

7. Chagossians will continue to demand the right to return to Diego Garcia until they can return to all their islands. The UK and US governments can and must stop violating Chagossians' human rights and allow them to return. 

8. The treaty does not and cannot prevent Chagossians from continuing to pursue proper compensation from the UK and US governments in courts and by other means if they wish to do so.
​

Following news that President Trump supports a UK-Mauritius treaty, the UK and Mauritian governments are now finalizing a treaty that will allow Chagossians to return home and provide a "trust fund" and "other support," according to all prior indications. 

Read more here: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/chagos-trump-starmer-deal-signed-b2725247.html